The recent ousting of yet another Haitian prime minister, Gary Conille, over the weekend highlights the urgent need for U.S. policymakers to reassess their approach to foreign policy in Haiti. For over a century, the United States has played a significant role in Haiti’s affairs, beginning in 1915 with the deployment of marines after the assassination of the country’s president. This hundred-and-nine-years of involvement has fostered a reliance on U.S. aid in Haiti that has persisted for well over a century. Yet, Haiti’s most recent political upheaval, the ouster of Conille, following the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse may provide an ideal opportunity for the United States to rethink its role in the Caribbean nation’s affairs.
The timing is crucial: gangs control most of the capitol city of Port-au-Prince and large swaths of the countryside, millions are in dire need of continuous humanitarian assistance (PDF), and tens of thousands of Haitian migrants have arrived in the United States over the past decade. Moreover, the illicit flow of drugs, arms, and human trafficking between Haiti and the United States underscores the national security implications of the crisis, making it not just a regional issue, but one that impacts U.S. homeland security directly.
The country has not held true elections in nearly five years, and the candidates presented to the Haitian public are often selected with minimal input from Haitian civil society, instead they are imposed by external forces (as was the case with recently ousted Prime Minister Conille). Even the most recent transition government, established after President Ariel Henry was removed from office in April 2024, was put into place by the United Nations, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), and representatives from other nations including Brazil, Canada, France, Mexico, and the United States. Despite efforts by Haitian civil society to develop plans for a transition to free and fair elections—most notably through the development of the Montana Accord, signed by over 70 cooperating civil and political organizations—such initiatives have been largely ignored by the international community.
Despite efforts by Haitian civil society to develop plans for a transition to free and fair elections, such initiatives have been largely ignored by the international community.
U.S. policy may feel compelled to intervene or blindly continue providing aid to Haiti in an attempt to address the country’s challenges. However, this approach has, ostensibly, often unintentionally undermined Haiti’s ability to address its own challenges from within. Decades of foreign aid have distorted Haitian institutions, making them more responsive to the interests of international benefactors and local elites than they are to the needs of the broader Haitian population.
So what, then, should the United States do—particularly at this current and crucial juncture?
First, the United States should focus on curbing illicit arms transfers, and other destabilizing drivers emanating from the United States and fueling instability in Haiti. Arms trafficking from the southeast United States has helped fuel the burgeoning gang epidemic in the country, enabling gang violence to reach its current unprecedented levels. The United States should consider prioritizing weapons interdiction by sea and air to better diminish gang access to illicit arms trade.
